Soong Chu-yu (; born March 16, 1942), also known as
James Soong, is a
politician in the
Republic of China on
Taiwan. He founded and chairs the
People First Party, a smaller and more conservative party in the
Kuomintang (KMT)-led
Pan-Blue Coalition.
Born to the
Kuomintang military family of
Hunanese origin, Soong began his political career as a Secretary to Premier
Chiang Ching-kuo and rose to prominence as Director-General of the
Government Information Office from 1979 to 1984. Upon Chiang's death Soong was instrumental in silencing conservatives in the KMT from blocking the ascendancy of
Lee Teng-hui as KMT leader. Soong was the only elected governor of
Taiwan province from 1994 to 1998. He placed second in the
2000 presidential election; his independent candidacy split the pro-
Chinese reunification vote between himself and the KMT candidate
Lien Chan leading to the ascendency of
Democratic Progressive Party candidate
Chen Shui-bian. In the
2004 presidential election, he ran as vice president on the ticket of KMT chairman Lien Chan; they narrowly lost to Chen Shui-bian.
Early life and education
Soong was born in
Xiangtan,
Hunan province in
mainland China (also the home county of
Mao Zedong). It is said his grandfather taught at the same school Mao attended. His father,
Soong Ta, was a career military officer staunchly loyal to ROC President
Chiang Kai-shek and rose to the rank of
Major General in the Nationalist Army from an enlisted sailor. With the Nationalist defeat in the
Chinese Civil War, the family fled to
Taiwan in 1949. He earned his
bachelor's degree in diplomacy from
National Chengchi University in
1964.
Soong travelled to the
United States for graduate school and received an
M.A. in
political science from the
University of California, Berkeley in
1967 and an
M.S. in
library science from
The Catholic University of America in
1971. He earned a
Ph.D. in political science from
Georgetown University in
1974.
While at Berkeley, Soong met his future wife Viola Chen (陳萬水). They later had a son and a daughter.
Rise to power
As he was finishing his doctoral studies, he was recommended by
Government Information Office (GIO) Director
Frederick Chien to be the English secretary of then-Premier
Chiang Ching-kuo. Soong served as Secretary to
Premier from
1974-
1977 and with Chiang Ching-kuo's accession to the presidency, the Personal Secretary to the President from
1978-
1981 and
1984-
1989. Soong gained his public fame when he addressed the nation following the
Carter administration's decision to break ties with the ROC in order to switch diplomatic ties to the
People's Republic of China on December 16, 1978 in which he gave a patriotic condemnation of the American position and a ringing defense of the ROC.
Soon afterwards, President Chiang promoted Soong to become the youngest Director-General of the
Government Information Office, in which he served from
1979 to
1984.
Soong and the rise of Lee Teng-hui
Upon Chiang Ching-kuo's death in 1988, Soong was seen as instrumental in consolidating the power of the new president,
Lee Teng-hui. Soong was part of the Palace Faction (宮廷派) that included Chiang loyalists such as
Hau Pei-tsun and
Lee Huan and which sought to limit Lee Teng-hui and his native Taiwanese faction's role in the government. During the
KMT's central standing committee on the day of Chiang's funeral, when the Palace Faction sought to delay Lee's accession to the party Chairmanship, Soong unexpectedly made an impassioned plea in favor of Lee, declaring that "Each day of delay is a day of disrespect to Ching-kuo." He also made a veiled criticism of
Soong May-ling (with whom he was unrelated), implying that she had returned to Taiwan after her stepson's death to try to reassume power.
Soong established himself as one of the few mainlanders who were also loyal to Lee. In support of Soong, Lee coined the term "New Taiwanese" to describe a person born in mainland China, raised in Taiwan, who calls Taiwan home. Lee moved swiftly to promote Soong to
KMT Secretary-General, a position Soong held from
1989 to
1993. In 1993, Lee appointed him Governor of
Taiwan Province.
Governorship
In
1994 Soong became the only directly elected
Governor of Taiwan. He was widely perceived to be an excellent campaigner and his excellent showing in the governorship ended hopes by the DPP of a "
Yeltsin effect", by which an elected governor would have more legitimacy than the national government.
Despite his
Mainlander background, Soong proved to be a popular politician among all ethnic groups on Taiwan, in part because he was one of the first
KMT politicians to attempt to use the
Taiwanese language in political and formal occasions.
After Premier
Lien Chan was
elected vice president in 1996, the premiership was to be vacated. Soong felt that as Governor of Taiwan, he was the natural successor to Lien, but Lee believed that Soong should serve out his term. Lee appointed
Vincent Siew, whom Soong considered a subordinate, and this act led to the split between Soong and Lee.
The position of Governor of Taiwan was eliminated in
1998 following a
National Development Council meeting in
1996, when it suggested that the administrative structure of the Taiwanese government be streamlined. Soong and his supporters believe this to have been a political move by Lee to cut off Soong's power base, but proponents of the downsizing called it a pragmatic move to eliminate contradictory administrative territory. Soong tendered his resignation on December 31 of the same year, but Lee did not accept it.
2000 presidential elections
After losing the
KMT presidential nomination to then-vice president
Lien Chan, Soong ran as an independent in the
2000 Presidential elections. Soong advocated a gradual union between Taiwan and the mainland by first signing a
non-aggression pact followed by the formation of a cross-strait union similar to the
European Union. His platform called for the characterization of relations between the Mainland and Taiwan as neither foreign nor domestic. Although widely seen as the candidate most friendly to Mainland China, Soong took particular effort to counter the perception that he would "sell out" Taiwan.
The
KMT responded by expelling Soong and his supporters from the party. In the final months leading to the
2000 elections, the
KMT, then under
Lee Teng-hui's leadership, sued Soong for theft, alleging that as party Secretary-General, he stole millions of Taiwan dollars in cash intended for the family of the late President
Chiang Ching-kuo and hid the money in the
Chunghsing Bills Finance Company. In defense he stated that the money in those bank accounts was in fact all from the
KMT, and he insisted that the money transfer was authorized by then-KMT chairman, Lee Teng-hui. These statements have been substantiated by an internal
KMT memo signed by Lee which were published by the court many years later.
The scandal hurt Soong's clean image. Initially leading in the polls, Soong narrowly lost the election with 36.84% of the vote to
Chen Shui-bian of the
Democratic Progressive Party with 39.3%. Lien came in a distant third with only 23.1%. One common belief from the pro-blue camp in Taiwan is that Lee Teng-hui favored the unpopular Vice President
Lien Chan over the highly popular Soong in a deliberate effort to sabotage the Kuomintang and was secretly supporting Chen, despite the fact that Lee is supposed to favor Kuomintang's own nominee Lien. Some believe Lee feared Soong would expose the corruption in his administration, and undermine his legacy.
After losing the election, Soong's supporters protested in front of the
KMT party headquarters and blockaded the building for a few days. They succeeded in pressuring Lee Teng-hui to resign as
KMT Chairman in favor of Lien Chan. Within weeks, Soong and his supporters formed the
People First Party (PFP), considered a spin-off from the
KMT.
Prosecutors later dropped all charges against Soong in the
Chunghsing Scandal. In
2003, the investigation was reopened, with former President Lee (now expelled from the
KMT and the "spiritual leader" of the pro-independence
Taiwan Solidarity Union) testifying against Soong in court. However, with the
KMT allied with the
People First Party for the 2004 presidential election, the
KMT aided Soong in his defense, providing documents signed by Lee.
KMT Chairman
Lien Chan claimed the
KMT was misled into filing the lawsuit against Soong. The
KMT dropped the charges and is still trying to collect the money that had been returned and was deposited in the court by Soong.
2004 presidential elections
Despite the personal rivalries between Lien, the
KMT chairman after
2000, and Soong, the KMT and
People First Party pledged to cooperate in future elections to prevent splitting the vote. Though losses in the
2001 legislative elections made the DPP the largest single party in the
Legislative Yuan, the
pan-blue coalition retained a narrow majority over the
pan-green coalition.
Soong ran as Vice Presidential candidate under
Lien Chan in the
2004 elections. Some believe that the PFP's lack of experienced candidates in the December
2002 mayoral elections in
Taipei and
Kaohsiung (the PFP supported the KMT's candidates), and the PFP's poor performance the city council elections in those cities at the same time were major setbacks to Soong's chances of being the KMT-PFP candidate for president. There were widespread rumors that Soong agreed to take the Vice-Presidential post in exchange for a pledge by Lien to give him significant power including the Premiership. Many KMT members opposed the linkage as they considered Soong an opportunist and traitor. Soong's supporters pointed out that he was more popular than Lien, as consistently demonstrated by polls, and the results of the 2000 presidential elections. Though both men garnered a combined 60% of the vote in 2000 (compared to Chen's 39%) they lost to Chen in 2004 by a mere 0.22% of the vote and never conceded.
Post 2004 Election
After the 2004 Presidential election, Soong actively sought the merger of the
KMT and
People First Party. However, he ceased doing so after the
ROC Legislative Election, 2004. Although the
pan-blue coalition did well, the PFP did not, and Soong ended talk of a KMT-PFP merger. In February 2005, he signed a
10 point consensus program with President
Chen Shui-Bian which brought heavy criticism to Chen. The possibility of DPP-PFP cooperation ended in May 2005, when Soong visited
mainland China to meet with
Hu Jintao. Initially, Chen stated that Soong was to deliver a secret message to the PRC leadership, but Soong denied this.
In the 2005 KMT chairmanship election, Soong, who retains significant following within the KMT, despite initially instructing party officials not to support either
Ma Ying-jeou or
Wang Jin-pyng, endorsed Wang at the last minute. The endorsement appeared to backfire, however, as Ma defeated Wang by a rather large margin of 72% to 28%.
On July 22, 2005, Soong, unopposed, was reelected chairman of the PFP.
On November 17, 2005, Soong was awarded NT$10 million in a defamation suit against former President Lee Teng-hui, who had alleged that Soong was playing mahjong while his supporters were protesting on the streets in April 2004. A three-judge panel of the Taipei District Court ruled that Lee must apologize and compensate Soong, saying that Lee's "groundless" remark had damaged Soong's reputation. In addition, the court ordered Lee to publish a half-page apology in major newspapers for three consecutive days.
Visit to mainland China 2005
Soong's visit to mainland China followed quickly on the heels of the trail-blazing visit of
KMT Chairman
Lien Chan. A few weeks after shaking Lien's hands at the airport and wishing him luck, Soong took his turn at the spotlight. Despite early predictions by critics that the two political peers would try to out-stage each other, the two visits proved to be similar and complementary in many respects.
Soong's whirlwind 9 day, 5 city "Bridge Laying" tour began on May 5, with a trip to the traditional Chinese capital of
Xi'an. There, he visited the tomb memorial for the
Yellow Emperor, a near-mythical historical figure from whom the Chinese believe they are descended. He then visited
Nanjing, the former capital of the
Republic of China, where he visited the tomb of ROC founder
Sun Yat-sen. After a brief visit to Shanghai, Soong made an emotional return to his ancestral home in
Hunan province. Soong and his family visited and honored the grave of his maternal grandmother buried in
Xiangtan in a widely televised emotional ceremony. Choosing to appear as familiar as possible to his mainland hosts, Soong spoke his greetings in the local dialect in each of the cities that he visited.
Beyond sentimental visits, the important political aspect of his tour comes from his visit to
Beijing. There, he shook hands with the general secretary of the
Communist Party of China Hu Jintao and exchanged presents with him; Soong gave Hu a work of
glass art from
Liuli Gongfang, and received a piece of
Jingdezhen pottery from Hu. Soong was only the second major political figure from Taiwan to ever do so. The carefully scripted red-carpet ceremony was identical to the previous greeting for KMT Chairman Lien Chan. The key out-come of the meeting was the publication of a shared political platform between the Communist Party and Soong's People's First Party. Finally, Soong lectured at
Tsinghua University, an echo of Lien's lecture at
Peking University four weeks prior.
Soong's visit was designed to emphasize his belief in common shared roots for the Chinese people, a reflection of his pro-unification sentiment. He specifically chose to honor the historical ancestor of the Chinese people, the contemporary father of the Republic of China, and then his own direct ancestors in that precise order. His public comments addressed this continuous theme as well, receiving rapturous support from his mainland audience. The political consensus borne of the visit between the PFP and the CPC called for practical actions towards establishing links between Taiwan and mainland China, while firmly resisting Taiwanese independence.
Political ideology
In the middle of the
SARS endemic in May 2003, he bashed the administration for not being able to participate in the WHO which lead to the danger in public health. However, it is China that has steadfastly opposed Taiwan's participation in the WHO. Subsequently, he promised to the public that if elected, he will push for participation in WHO under the principle
Under the Roof of One China. In this
Under the Roof of One China principle, he will not challenge the
One China policy set by
PRC, he added. However, this proposal enhanced the public perception of "selling out" Taiwan toward him and his opponents questioned how he can protect Taiwan's sovereignty and accept that Taiwan be a part of China at the same time. In order to quelch this negative image, Soong and his running mate Lien made an unexpected change of direction in their cross strait policy by announcing that they would drop unification as the ultimate goal in their cross strait policy in an international press conference during the 2004 presidential election race. They further explained that they would not exclude the possibility of final independence of Taiwan. However, his opponents still cast a suspicious eye on Soong's true intentions. His mainland origins also plagued him in the 2004 election.
Soong has been a staunch opponent of
Taiwan independence. He publicly opposed Taiwanese language education in his early political life and criticized that multi-lingual education would lead to "
Lebanonization of languages" and create communication chaos in the nation. He also criticized President Chen for staging a
referendum. He strongly opposed the major military weapon procurement from the US and actively participated in the anti-weapon-purchase protests. He maintained the purchase would be part of a military race across the strait and would not enhance Taiwan's ability in self-defense. He made these claims while the US government encouraged Taiwan to procure the weapons for self-defense.
His base of support includes strong supporters of Chinese reunification, some rural voters (particularly in northern and eastern Taiwan, who were grateful for the selective economic development undertaken while he was governor) and some urban middle class voters who see him as a cleaner alternative to the KMT. Soong is well known for using his body language, publicly kneeling and shedding tears, as a gesture to plead for constituency support. Though many criticize it as false and histrionic, most of Soong's supporters see it to be candid and sincere. Among his critics, Soong is widely seen as a competent administrator with a sure popular touch, but lacking in any serious political ideology and completely self-serving and corrupt.
Events of Late 2006 and Taipei Mayoral Candidacy
;Tax issue
On August 17, 2006, Taiwan's Administrative Supreme Court handed down a ruling against Soong in a case of tax evasion. He was charged gift taxes by the National Tax Administration from events in 1994 when he wired NT$42 million from his election campaign account to that of his daughterinlaw in the United States. Soong's argument was that he had wired the money to his daughterinlaw in order to pay off remaining campaign debts and to establish a Foundation, and that he was not simply "gifting" the money to her. The Court however found that the first money was not given to the Foundation until December 2001, and ruled that the money had been used as his private assets and that therefore gift tax was payable. He was assessed NT$13 million in gift tax, with fine also of NT$13 million, for a total sum of NT$26 million.
;Taipei campaign
On Wednesday October 18, 2006 Soong formally announced and registered his candidacy for the Mayoralty of
Taipei City, Taiwan's capital and largest city, in the local government elections to be held in December 2006. Soong registered as a "non-partisan" candidate without a party affiliation, declaring that he had taken a leave of absence from his post as Chairman of the PFP.
After his defeat in
Taipei Mayoral Election on the 9th of December, 2006, he won only 4% of cast ballots, James Soong announced that he will retire from politics, which entailed giving up the chairmanship of his party, the PFP. With this announcement and with no clear goal, the PFP face an uncertain future which could speed up any merger with the
Kuomintang.
;Chen's claims
Chen claimed in an interview with a cable TV channel in May 2005 that Soong met Chen Yunlin in the United States in February that year.
Following this claim, on February 15, 2007 Taipei District Court ruled Thursday that President Chen Shui-bian must pay James Soong NT$3 million (US$91,183) in damages and apologize in the top three newspapers for his allegation that Soong met secretly with China's State Council
Taiwan Affairs Office Director Chen Yunlin in 2005. The court said President Chen failed to carry out necessary verification before making his allegation. "The president exercises overall control over the executive sector resources and his responsibility to verify information must be weighted," a court spokesman said.
PFP spokesman Lee Hung-Chun called the judgment "comforting" but said it came too late. "It took more than a year for the first judgment to come out," he said, adding that this meant the public did not get the chance to learn the truth during a time when the political situation was changing rapidly.
Chen's counsel said he will appeal to the High Court.
Claiming that his remarks were based on "intelligence," Chen also said Soong promised during the meeting to oppose a proposed constitutional amendment that would allow for popular referendums on future constitutional amendments, in exchange for Beijing's approval for Soong to visit China.
Soong filed a defamation suit against Chen in June 2005, demanding a symbolic NT$1 in compensation and a published apology in four major local newspapers for three consecutive days. After Chen repeated his claim in another TV interview in October that same year. Soong later extended his compensation demand to NT$50 million and asked Chen to publish an apology in four internationally famous newspapers in the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Japan, as well as in three local ones.
According to the written judgment, Chen said that the intelligence about Soong's activity was submitted to him by Bureau of Investigation Director-General Yeh Cherng-maw. However, Yeh told the court that he had warned Chen that the intelligence, some of which he admitted was drawn from media speculation, was difficult to check.
The judgment said that as president, Chen must have understood the weakness of the information and could have ordered the national security system to conduct further verification, but decided not to bother.
See also
References
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